How can canada become more democratic
Forbearance means that leaders will practise "self-restraint in the exercise of power" — that they will not abuse their authority to do everything they might legally do because of the real and lasting damage that could follow. In that respect, political leaders should be regarded as stewards of the political process itself.
The very fragility of democracy should impose a duty of care. American politics is Canada's second-favourite spectator sport. And we have long defined and measured ourselves by how unlike the United States we are. Though the term fell out of use during the Obama era, it used to be that accusing someone of participating in "American-style politics" was a grievous charge in Canada.
That oppositional tendency might serve Canada well now. But this is hardly the time for anyone to feel smug. The United States is reminding us now that nothing is guaranteed, nothing can be taken for granted.
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Comments are welcome while open. We reserve the right to close comments at any time. Join the conversation Create account. Already have an account? On social issues, in particular, they have abrogated their responsibilities and left decisions to the Supreme Court and senior courts of the provinces. As a result, Canadians trust the courts more than Parliament and the legislatures as the forums where social questions are resolved.
The prime example is the central role that televised debates take in election campaigns. The public senses the essential vacuity of the people they have chosen to represent their interests in government. There are plenty of examples in Canada of the festering and potentially destabilizing sense of abandonment and voicelessness felt by large segments of the populations of the United States and several European countries. These are the feeding grounds for populists and political extremists.
Some Canadian voters had opted for outlier populists before the pandemic changed the agenda. But as Canada emerges from the health crisis, the question of whether the current political culture is fit for the purpose will become more intense.
Ottawa and the provinces have been shovelling money out the door in order to encourage compliance with public-health dictates. Choosing from such a pool would further cement the principles of independence and credibility.
Television coverage has brought democracy into our living rooms, but it has also created too much theatre. Question Period has mostly become an effort to play to the media, and results in shrill, partisan debate. Committee work is critical to the development of sound regulatory and legislative outcomes. When I was in Opposition in the mids, without cameras we approved numerous unanimous parliamentary reports that were instrumental in the approval of legislation and regulations.
Today, that is a rare exception. Could we hold more cabinet and caucus meetings, Supreme Court hearings and citizenship ceremonies outside Ottawa? What about other key institutions such as the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission or the National Energy Board?
Could they not contemplate taking their decision-making processes on the road? Bringing official Ottawa closer to the voters and regions would be more expensive, yes, but it would be worth every penny as a way to further public trust in our institutions. We are fortunate to be able to call Canada home. It is a decent and progressive society in so many ways.
But nation-building requires continued nurturing and vigilance, especially with regard to who leads our nation and how they lead. Our quiet, modest ways have won us many friends around the globe.
However, our political culture at home could use a dose of maturity and pageantry. Do you have something to say about the article you just read? Be part of the Policy Options discussion, and send in your own submission. Here is a link on how to do it. You are welcome to republish this Policy Options article online and in print periodicals.
We ask that you follow these guidelines. Please attribute the author s and mention that the article was originally published by Policy Options magazine. Editing the piece is not permitted, but you may publish excerpts. Originally published on Policy Options March 12, Non-Western democracies such as South Korea and Taiwan, which proved both effective and agile in countering the pandemic, offer compelling examples of good democratic governance.
At the same time, Canada — in concert with others — should mobilize and offer stronger incentives for governments to maintain their democratic ways. For too long, Chinese investment in the developing world has had the opposite effect, rewarding authoritarianism, repression and corruption.
Simply criticizing these practices is not the answer. Wealthier democratic countries should act collectively to provide well-funded, attractive and responsible alternatives, especially to fragile democracies.
Finally, in countries where the primary threat to democracy is their own government — as in Hungary or Turkey — democracy support should focus on civil society actors and institutions that remain committed to democratic norms, including those that advocate for the rule of law and for the rights of women and minorities.
Civil society is now at the frontline of struggles for democratic change and preservation. Time is short for Canada to articulate its vision for democracy support. The countdown to the U. More immediately, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson has invited four key democracies — Australia, India, South Africa and South Korea — to attend the G7 summit that he will host next week, where leaders will discuss the challenges facing open societies. Canada should use these occasions to lay out, and rally support for, its democracy-support priorities.
Dispersing its efforts across a multitude of initiatives always a temptation for governments facing complex choices would only dissipate their impact. Canada must focus on a few key initiatives and specific partners, and devote the resources necessary to meet the challenges at hand. At the same time, the Trudeau government should promptly implement its throne-speech commitment to establish a Canadian centre dedicated to democracy and governance, which could serve as a hub of both expertise and democracy-support activities.
Canada may not be a great power, but it is undoubtedly a great democracy. Now, at this watershed moment for democracy in the world, we must act like one.
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